http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VIVDUl6dBjY&feature=related
Toxic Skies Trailer (notice the crosshair)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qGNRvWMRuPU
Prince Talks about Chemtrails on TV
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=YOGUqXRXPts&feature=related
What in the World Are They Spraying (1 of 7)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-K9rXydMmfw
German Meteorologist Sue Military Using Chemtrails
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=AVEC4uj0T8s&feature=related
Local News Station and Chemtrails (Barium)
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=okB-489l6MI&feature=related
NWO and Chemtrails
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=j8NmzfjIkI0&feature=related
http://www.ban.org/ban_news/dumping_on_Haiti.html
EXCERPT:
Meanwhile in Haiti the ash lay on the beach, blowing over the city of Gonaives and filtering into its bay. According to Greenpeace, which analyzed the ash, "it may contain as much as 210,000 pounds of toxic heavy metals, including hazardous levels of lead and cadmium that exceed legal limits and high levels of mercury and arsenic. The ash also carries significant levels of the most potent toxic chemicals known÷dioxins and furans." Local protests broke out, and the government made vague promises to do something about the waste.
The voyage of the Khian Sea would become a symbol of the recklessness of the international waste trade. Its voyage helped push the international community into adopting the principles of the Basel Convention, which bans the export of hazardous waste from industrial countries to developing nations. Over 100 nations including the U.S. signed the treaty. It took effect in the mid '90s but was never ratified by the U.S. Senate.
Nonetheless, there is a continuing
http://onlinejournal.com/artman/publish/article_5505.shtml
EXCERPT:
Duvalier’s U.S.-based lawyer, Ron Brown, also did well, economically, by their relationship. In the early 1980s, Brown was a partner at the powerful Washington law firm of Patton, Boggs & Blow. Duvalier secured his services by paying him $150,000 as a retainer, and Brown went to work for the brutal dictator on Capitol Hill. Before his death while flying over Yugoslavia and scouting U.S. investment opportunities, Brown had been personally linked to Lillian Madsen, who had married into an extremely wealthy Haitian family with vast holdings in coffee and beer. (She later divorced.) Madsen lived in an expensive Washington townhouse that had been purchased for her in 1992 by the commerce secretary himself and by his son, D.C. lobbyist Michael Brown. The Madsens were major backers of Duvalier and among the main domestic financial backers of the September 1991 coup against elected President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Brown uttered nary a word to support the return of Aristide and democracy to Haiti, nor did he protest the U.S.’s toxic practices there.
Brown also represented Fritz Bennett, the brother of Michelle Bennett Duvalier, wife of the deposed dictator, when the brother was arrested in Puerto Rico for trafficking in narcotics. (Michelle Duvalier’s touch with reality herself can be somewhat shaky, as when, in exile, she said: “Flee Haiti? Why do you say we were fleeing Haiti? The president and I decided it was time to leave. Nobody can ever say we had to leave Haiti. We wanted to go.”)
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khian_Sea_waste_disposal_incident
EXCERPT:
On August 31, 1986, the cargo barge Khian Sea, registered in Liberia, was loaded with more than 14,000 tons of toxic ash from waste incinerators in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The city had previously sent the waste to New Jersey, but that state refused to accept any more after 1984.
The companies handling the waste — Joseph Paolino and Sons, Amalgamated Shipping and Coastal Carrier — intended to dump the ash onto a man-made island in the Bahamas. However, the Bahamian government turned the barge away, and Philadelphia withheld payment to the companies because the waste was not disposed of.
Over the next 16 months, Khian Sea searched all over the Atlantic for a place to dump its cargo. Dominican Republic, Honduras, Panama, Bermuda, Guinea Bissau and the Dutch Antilles refused. Return to Philadelphia failed as well. In January 1988, the crew finally dumped 4,000 tons of the waste near Gonaives in Haiti as "topsoil fertilizer" (when it was too poisonous to be used that way). When Greenpeace warned the Haitian government of the true nature of the waste, Haitian commerce minister ordered the crew to reload the ash but the ship slipped away. Haitian government banned all the waste imports. Local clean up crews later buried some of the waste in a bunker inland.
Next the crew of Khian Sea tried to unload the rest of the cargo in Senegal, Morocco, Yugoslavia, Sri Lanka and Singapore. After repairs in Yugoslavia, the ship's name changed to Felicia, registered in Honduras. Later it was renamed Pelicano. Changes failed to hide the ship's original identity.
The rest of the ash disappeared en route from Singapore to Sri Lanka in November 1988. The crew had no comment but eventually the ship's captain admitted that they had dumped the remaining waste - more than 10,000 tons - into the Atlantic and Indian Ocean. In 1993, two owners of the Coastal Carrier were charged with perjury, accused of ordering the dumping.
Over the years, various attempts to return the ash dumped in Haiti failed.
In 1997, New York City Trade Waste Commission investigated Eastern Environmental Services whose owner was part of Joseph Paolino and Sons. They agreed to give the company a license to operate in New York City in condition that it would contribute to the cleanup in Haiti. EES agreed to take the waste back. Greenpeace and Haitian environmental groups launched a "Project Return to Sender" to lobby for funds. City of Philadelphia contributed $50,000.
In April 2000, Waste Management Inc. loaded 2,500 tons of ash and contaminated soil to barge Santa Lucia and shipped it to Florida, where the barge was docked in the St. Lucie Canal. There it stayed for two years until in June 2002 when it was moved to Mountain View Reclamation Landfill, in Franklin County, Pennsylvania near Antrim Township, after several government agencies, including the Environmental Protection Agency, had found the contents to be nonhazardous.[1]
The case contributed to the creation of the Basel Convention about disposal of hazardous waste.
http://www.spunk.org/texts/pubs/lr/sp001714/sidehait.html
EXCERPT:
1. Rudolph Giuliani
In April 1982, a class action lawsuit filed by the Miami-based Haitian Refugee Center seeking the release of 2,100 Haitian refugees interdicted at sea came to trial.
Arguing the government's case against releasing the refugees and urging their "repatriation," another squeaky clean word, assiduously scrubbed so that no blood leaks, was the Associate Attorney General of the United States at the time, Rudolph Giuliani. Giuliani, the man who would a decade later become Mayor of New York City, home to tens of thousands of Haitian immigrants, argued that repression in Haiti "simply does not exist now." The refugees, Giuliani contended, had nothing to fear from the friendly government of Jean-Claude Duvalier. Giuliani based this conclusion on a visit to Haiti two weeks earlier, where he met with Duvalier. The dictator had "personally assured" him, he said, that Haitians returning home from the United States were not persecuted. "Political repression is not the major reason for leaving Haiti," Giuliani concluded.
Eight years earlier James Simms, head of the Haiti desk at the Department of State, had cited this same script word-for-word to justify US policy at that time. Giuliani had memorized his lines well.
According to attorney Arthur Helton, the Director of Immigrant Programs at the Open Society Institute in New York, Giuliani was "the key implementer and an ardent defender of the policy to return the refugees to Haiti." In court (and, earlier, in testimony before Congress), Giuliani claimed that there was no persecution in Haiti and all was fine and proper there. As Helton explains, "It is extremely unusual for such a high-ranking official as Giuliani, who was the top Justice Department official with a specific brief on immigration issues at that time, to personally argue such a case before the 11th Circuit Court."
How is it possible that Giuliani, the Number 3 man at the Department of Justice and a federal prosecutor of some repute and energy, could not be aware of the true situation? Had he not read the papers of the period, nor the statements of hundreds of Haitians who reported being tortured and family members murdered before their eyes? Why didn't he take their depositions and investigate their stories? Clearly, Giuliani latched onto the Haitian dictator's "personal assurance" to cover the atrocities of the policy he espoused.
Upon return from his visit to Haiti, did he apprise the Department of Justice of the Duvalier government's pimping of Haitian slaves to sugar magnates in the Dominican Republic, for which Duvalier was paid a tax of $1 per slave per day, a slave trade that Giuliani's beloved interdiction policy had the effect of enforcing because it prevented slaves from escaping by sea? Why did Giuliani fail to contact Amnesty International, the Haitian Refugee Center or any of the other human rights groups which had documented hundreds of cases of political repression and torture in Haiti? Are we to believe that Giuliani, the lawyer and government representative, was unaware of the lawsuit filed by Amnesty International on behalf of 10 Haitian trade union leaders who had been locked up and tortured in Fort Dimanche, the headquarters of the Tontons Macoutes death squads, without trial for three years already, at that point? Hundreds of similarly horrible tales of abuse, torture, imprisonment and murder were available, publicized, and matters of public record.
But Giuliani had his own agenda. He was not serving Truth or Freedom but a different master, with different interests. For him, Freedom was only legitimate in so far as it served higher authority, not valid in itself as the raison d'être of human existence and community. As Giuliani later philosophized, "Freedom is not a concept in which people can do anything they want, be anything they can be. Freedom is about authority. Freedom is about the willingness of every single human being to cede to lawful authority a great deal of discretion about what you do."
In Haiti, Duvalier was that lawful authority upon whom Giuliani had stamped his seal of approval. For Haitians to flee and to fight for their freedom, then as well as now, was an act that flew in the face of the authority Giuliani believed in and was paid to uphold. Thus, in September 1982 and on many occasions thereafter, Giuliani was back in court fighting against a ruling by Federal District Judge Eugene Spellman that ordered the release of 1,800 Haitian refugees who were held in six states and Puerto Rico. Giuliani continued his fight to send the refugees back, many to their deaths, despite federal court decisions, just as the US government had done to 930 Jews fleeing Nazi Germany aboard the SS St. Louis 43 years before.
2. Ron Brown
http://www.arizonaskywatch.com/
http://yellowcakewalk.wordpress.com/2010/06/06/haiti-dumping-ground-of-the-caribbean/
http://whitewraithe.wordpress.com/2008/10/07/the-plot-to-kill-us-all-fluoride-depleted-uranium-and-chemtrails/
EXCERPT:
Titled “Depleted uranium: Dirty bombs, dirty missiles, dirty bullets — A death sentence here and abroad” , it is the latest in a series of dispatches on the subject by Leuren Moret, a former Lawrence Livermore Lab scientist who now works with a group of independent scientists called the Radiation and Public Health Project. Together this group has written ten books on the health effects of low level radiation.
There can be no other conclusion on the part of the American public that depleted uranium ammunition is designed to kill not only large numbers of people in nations the U.S. has decided to conquer, but it also kills our own soldiers, and our government, which professes to value its military men and women, knows it kills them.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Khian_Sea_waste_disposal_incident
EXCERPT:
On August 31, 1986, the cargo barge Khian Sea, registered in Liberia, was loaded with more than 14,000 tons of toxic ash from waste incinerators in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The city had previously sent the waste to New Jersey, but that state refused to accept any more after 1984.
The companies handling the waste — Joseph Paolino and Sons, Amalgamated Shipping and Coastal Carrier — intended to dump the ash onto a man-made island in the Bahamas. However, the Bahamian government turned the barge away, and Philadelphia withheld payment to the companies because the waste was not disposed of.
Over the next 16 months, Khian Sea searched all over the Atlantic for a place to dump its cargo. Dominican Republic, Honduras, Panama, Bermuda, Guinea Bissau and the Dutch Antilles refused. Return to Philadelphia failed as well. In January 1988, the crew finally dumped 4,000 tons of the waste near Gonaives in Haiti as "topsoil fertilizer" (when it was too poisonous to be used that way). When Greenpeace warned the Haitian government of the true nature of the waste, Haitian commerce minister ordered the crew to reload the ash but the ship slipped away. Haitian government banned all the waste imports. Local clean up crews later buried some of the waste in a bunker inland.
Next the crew of Khian Sea tried to unload the rest of the cargo in Senegal, Morocco, Yugoslavia, Sri Lanka and Singapore. After repairs in Yugoslavia, the ship's name changed to Felicia, registered in Honduras. Later it was renamed Pelicano. Changes failed to hide the ship's original identity.
The rest of the ash disappeared en route from Singapore to Sri Lanka in November 1988. The crew had no comment but eventually the ship's captain admitted that they had dumped the remaining waste - more than 10,000 tons - into the Atlantic and Indian Ocean. In 1993, two owners of the Coastal Carrier were charged with perjury, accused of ordering the dumping.
Over the years, various attempts to return the ash dumped in Haiti failed.
In 1997, New York City Trade Waste Commission investigated Eastern Environmental Services whose owner was part of Joseph Paolino and Sons. They agreed to give the company a license to operate in New York City in condition that it would contribute to the cleanup in Haiti. EES agreed to take the waste back. Greenpeace and Haitian environmental groups launched a "Project Return to Sender" to lobby for funds. City of Philadelphia contributed $50,000.
In April 2000, Waste Management Inc. loaded 2,500 tons of ash and contaminated soil to barge Santa Lucia and shipped it to Florida, where the barge was docked in the St. Lucie Canal. There it stayed for two years until in June 2002 when it was moved to Mountain View Reclamation Landfill, in Franklin County, Pennsylvania near Antrim Township, after several government agencies, including the Environmental Protection Agency, had found the contents to be nonhazardous.[1]
The case contributed to the creation of the Basel Convention about disposal of hazardous waste.
http://www.spunk.org/texts/pubs/lr/sp001714/sidehait.html
EXCERPT:
All the Dictator's Men
by Mitchel Cohen1. Rudolph Giuliani
In April 1982, a class action lawsuit filed by the Miami-based Haitian Refugee Center seeking the release of 2,100 Haitian refugees interdicted at sea came to trial.
Arguing the government's case against releasing the refugees and urging their "repatriation," another squeaky clean word, assiduously scrubbed so that no blood leaks, was the Associate Attorney General of the United States at the time, Rudolph Giuliani. Giuliani, the man who would a decade later become Mayor of New York City, home to tens of thousands of Haitian immigrants, argued that repression in Haiti "simply does not exist now." The refugees, Giuliani contended, had nothing to fear from the friendly government of Jean-Claude Duvalier. Giuliani based this conclusion on a visit to Haiti two weeks earlier, where he met with Duvalier. The dictator had "personally assured" him, he said, that Haitians returning home from the United States were not persecuted. "Political repression is not the major reason for leaving Haiti," Giuliani concluded.
Eight years earlier James Simms, head of the Haiti desk at the Department of State, had cited this same script word-for-word to justify US policy at that time. Giuliani had memorized his lines well.
According to attorney Arthur Helton, the Director of Immigrant Programs at the Open Society Institute in New York, Giuliani was "the key implementer and an ardent defender of the policy to return the refugees to Haiti." In court (and, earlier, in testimony before Congress), Giuliani claimed that there was no persecution in Haiti and all was fine and proper there. As Helton explains, "It is extremely unusual for such a high-ranking official as Giuliani, who was the top Justice Department official with a specific brief on immigration issues at that time, to personally argue such a case before the 11th Circuit Court."
How is it possible that Giuliani, the Number 3 man at the Department of Justice and a federal prosecutor of some repute and energy, could not be aware of the true situation? Had he not read the papers of the period, nor the statements of hundreds of Haitians who reported being tortured and family members murdered before their eyes? Why didn't he take their depositions and investigate their stories? Clearly, Giuliani latched onto the Haitian dictator's "personal assurance" to cover the atrocities of the policy he espoused.
Upon return from his visit to Haiti, did he apprise the Department of Justice of the Duvalier government's pimping of Haitian slaves to sugar magnates in the Dominican Republic, for which Duvalier was paid a tax of $1 per slave per day, a slave trade that Giuliani's beloved interdiction policy had the effect of enforcing because it prevented slaves from escaping by sea? Why did Giuliani fail to contact Amnesty International, the Haitian Refugee Center or any of the other human rights groups which had documented hundreds of cases of political repression and torture in Haiti? Are we to believe that Giuliani, the lawyer and government representative, was unaware of the lawsuit filed by Amnesty International on behalf of 10 Haitian trade union leaders who had been locked up and tortured in Fort Dimanche, the headquarters of the Tontons Macoutes death squads, without trial for three years already, at that point? Hundreds of similarly horrible tales of abuse, torture, imprisonment and murder were available, publicized, and matters of public record.
But Giuliani had his own agenda. He was not serving Truth or Freedom but a different master, with different interests. For him, Freedom was only legitimate in so far as it served higher authority, not valid in itself as the raison d'être of human existence and community. As Giuliani later philosophized, "Freedom is not a concept in which people can do anything they want, be anything they can be. Freedom is about authority. Freedom is about the willingness of every single human being to cede to lawful authority a great deal of discretion about what you do."
In Haiti, Duvalier was that lawful authority upon whom Giuliani had stamped his seal of approval. For Haitians to flee and to fight for their freedom, then as well as now, was an act that flew in the face of the authority Giuliani believed in and was paid to uphold. Thus, in September 1982 and on many occasions thereafter, Giuliani was back in court fighting against a ruling by Federal District Judge Eugene Spellman that ordered the release of 1,800 Haitian refugees who were held in six states and Puerto Rico. Giuliani continued his fight to send the refugees back, many to their deaths, despite federal court decisions, just as the US government had done to 930 Jews fleeing Nazi Germany aboard the SS St. Louis 43 years before.
2. Ron Brown
http://www.arizonaskywatch.com/
http://yellowcakewalk.wordpress.com/2010/06/06/haiti-dumping-ground-of-the-caribbean/
http://whitewraithe.wordpress.com/2008/10/07/the-plot-to-kill-us-all-fluoride-depleted-uranium-and-chemtrails/
EXCERPT:
Titled “Depleted uranium: Dirty bombs, dirty missiles, dirty bullets — A death sentence here and abroad” , it is the latest in a series of dispatches on the subject by Leuren Moret, a former Lawrence Livermore Lab scientist who now works with a group of independent scientists called the Radiation and Public Health Project. Together this group has written ten books on the health effects of low level radiation.
There can be no other conclusion on the part of the American public that depleted uranium ammunition is designed to kill not only large numbers of people in nations the U.S. has decided to conquer, but it also kills our own soldiers, and our government, which professes to value its military men and women, knows it kills them.
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